ORLAND PARK: KKK and ANP Fliers Found One Day Before Mosque Shooting

For the third time in the past several months, KKK fliers, this time accompanied by American Nazi Party (ANP) fliers, have been found in a suburb just outside of Chicago. This time it's Orland Park. On every occasion the fliers claimed to represent a different Klan faction. This fact as well as the lack of previous klan activity in these areas led us to believe that this might have been the work of one or two individuals. This most recent flier drop in Orland Park has us feeling even more confident in that assumption. Here is why: The American Nazi Party works with no one. They openly state to all new members that they hold no allegiances with any group outside of themselves. The chances of them doing a flier drop with a klan faction, or even having shared membership is highly doubtful. The chance of them coincidentally doing a flier drop in the same parking lot is even more doubtful. 

Taken from the Chicago Tribune:

Fliers promoting the American Nazi Party and Ku Klux Klan were posted on cars in a La Grange Road shopping center parking lot around noon Monday, Orland Park police said 

A woman shopping at Michaels at 15102 S. La Grange Rd. brought a flier she'd found on her windshield to Michaels staff, who checked the cars in the parking lot and found one additional flier before reporting the incident to police, said Lieutenant Tony Farrell. 

One carried a swastika, the words "white power" and a website address for the American Nazi Party, while the other touted the Ku Klux Klan. Both fliers appeared to be printed from websites, Farrell said. 

"It is alarming to people, but we don't know who put them there or what their intentions were. None had any threats, just propaganda," said Farrell, adding that there's no way to know whether particular individuals were targeted or the fliers were placed at random. The woman who found the flier also told police about the incident but there were no other reports, Farrell said. 

Sightings of similar fliers, while not unheard of, are rare, said Farrell, who couldn't recall the last time they were found in Orland Park. In January, the Tribune reported that Tinley Park police records showed four incidents of Ku Klux Klan paraphernalia being seen or distributed since January 2012, and in October, a group claiming connections to the Ku Klux Klan was named in fliers found in New Lenox. 

Police don't believe a crime was committed and don't know whether the fliers were created by a member of either group or someone "doing it for the shock value," but police will continue to look into any reports of suspicious messages, Farrell said 

What's even more odd, is that one day later in Orland Park, a bullet was fired at a Mosque during prayer service. It is unclear if these incidents are directly related.  

Taken from Sun Times:

A bullet was fired through the dome of an Orland Park mosque Tuesday morning, damaging the building during a early morning prayer service, according mosque officials. 

No one was injured when the single shot was fired a few minutes after 6 a.m. during the Fajr, or break-of-dawn prayer, according to a statement from the Chicago office of the Council on American-Islamic Relations. 

The bullet penetrated the dome and caused debris to fall and disrupt the service, according to the statement. About 40 people were in the prayer center at 6530 104th Ave. 

“Incidents such as this have a chilling effect on worshippers,” CAIR-Chicago Executive Director Ahmed Rehab said in the statement. 

“No one should have to go to their place of worship worried if they’ll make it back home alive,” he added. 

CAIR said Orland Park police were contacted and are investigating. Orland Park police could not be reached for comment.

Illinois Most Wanted Nazis Dox'd by ro0ted and n01d and Anonymous. Op Antifa Has Been Engaged

About 2 days ago we were sent a DOX posted on pastebin including several addresses on Illinois nazis. Most of these addresses are scattered around this website or in our databases, however, there are a few new or updated ones as well. Thanks y'all!

Here are the new or updated ones:

Robert Martin Lopatka 
3 N 640 Lakeview Ct
West Chicago, IL 60185

Jesse Abraham Deutsch  
2130 W 21st St
Chicago, IL 60608

Paul T Alfich
11012 Kilpatrick Ave, Apt 4NE,
Oak Lawn, IL 60453

Philip Anderson  
Allegedly moved to 3104 W Willow Knolls Dr, Apt 101
Peoria, IL 61614
from 804 E Marrieta ave Peoria Heights, IL (may still reside there)
phildo88rancid@hotmail.com

We also received this statement from them. Taken from pastebin:

#OpAntifa has been engaged. 
#ro0ted & #n01d will assist Antifa organizations with information needed to take down Nazis. We will not only supply information but will target their websites as well. We will expose nazis all over the United States to Canada. Watch em run. 
#ro0ted
-----------------------------
http://pastebin.com/dk2phhtM
Contact:
https://twitter.com/ro0ted
ro0ted@riseup.net
-----------------------------
Shout out to TinleyPark5 & South Side Chi ARA & Other Antifa Organizations all over the world. 
We have joined this fight with you. With support of #Anonymous brothers and sisters.
Watch all the Fascists fall like dominoes. 
#n0 1dentity Phoenix

Centralia, IL White Man March Attacked by Antifa After Lead Organizer Leaves Only Attendee Stranded

An update 3/16/14: 2 hours after the march was supposed to start, and Robert Mayberry was left alone to be attacked, Lashbrook and his girlfriend finally show up and put on the most awkward and hilarious "march" ever. The video, which included Brandons girlfriend grunting and saying "no one wants to do anything... whats the point?", was posted below but was then taken down by Brandon. Smart move, buddy! lol

The White Man March was an internet attempt at a coordinated world wide street march (or banner

drop, flier drop etc.) in celebration of white pride. Not much different from the world wide white pride march or any others before it.

Kyle Hunt (30),  who hails from Mashpee, MA (possible address 15 Harbor Ridge Rd  Mashpee, MA 02649-3850), is one of the leading organizers of the White Man March, scheduled for March 15, 2014. He is also the host of “Blitzkrieg Broadcast” on the Renegade Broadcasting network. 

The Illinois faction of this march was to be held in Centralia, IL by a 31 year old National Anarchist named Brandon Lashbrook. 

We received an email hours ago stating the the "White Man March" was a total fail.  Below is the action statement we received earlier as well as intelligence on who organized and attended this failed march.

This may have been one of the more poorly organized marches we've seen. 

Taken from pastebin:

Brandon Lashbrook

The white man march in Centralia, scheduled for 4pm, did not happen. Not unless you consider 1 white nationalist running down the proposed marching route screaming for help a "white man march". 

Brandon Lashbrook, who organized the event called for a 4pm meet up at the park across fro Schnuks at 1000 w Broadway. Brandon proposed 4pm because he had to attend a very important "karate tournament" in the morning. At about ten after 4pm, Robert Mayberry was the only white nationalist to show. Brandon, who initially tried to call off the march 30 minutes before it began (lol), then claimed he'd be an hour and a half late. That's right, an hour and a half late to his own 4pm march. 

When Robert Mayberry showed up he was greeted by pepper spray and punches to the face and immediately ran away screaming. Not a single other white nationalist showed up to the grand white man march, as usual. After receiving a thorough beating, the increased amount of brain damage to the white power mind seems to have caused a fantasy to take hold; at 6pm Lashbrook claimed he and Mayberry would be starting the march. At this point, even if that was true, it'd be ridiculous to claim the "white man march" was a success. 

Who organized, attended, or ditched the March?

Robby Mayberry (pictured here)
Harrisburg, IL 

Brandon Lashbrook (lead organizer and National Anarchist pictured here)
159 Clinmar apt. 1
Centralia, IL
(618) 532-2810 
(618) 267 5535 
DOB: 11/16/82
Wotian_krieger@yahoo.com 
Religion: Asatru卐 Germanic Paganism  

Hollie Scott (pictured here) 
possible address: 900 Burgess Ave.
Johnston City, IL 62951 
DOB: 10/04/82)

Lashbrooks girlfriend and babys mother 

Drew S Graul (pictured here)
Age: 30-34 
3217 Central St Du Quoin, IL 62832

618-542-3800 

Lisa Daisy (pictured here)
possible address: 15419 Diekman Ct 
Dolton, IL 

jdaisy2019@aol.com

Mt. Prospect Family Claims Racial Harassment, Intimidation

Terry Calliari
822 W Partridge Ln
Mount Prospect, IL 60056
847-956-8481

Taken from Chicago Tribune:

A Mount Prospect family has filed a lawsuit alleging that a neighbor repeatedly berated them with racial slurs and harassed and intimidated them because they are African-American. 

The suit by Iris Howe and her two children alleged the harassment began as the family was moving into the town home community in April 2009 when the neighbor shouted the N-word at them. 

The hate-crime lawsuit, filed in Cook County Circuit Court on Monday by the Chicago Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, identified the white neighbor as Terry Calliari. A woman who answered the door at the Partridge Lane address, which displayed St. Patrick’s Day decorations, declined to talk to a Tribune reporter Tuesday evening. 

Howe and her two children live across the street from Calliari’s residence, according to the lawsuit. No one answered at the home Tuesday evening. 

The suit alleged that Calliari intended to drive the family from the neighborhood and had especially targeted Howe’s daughter, Sidney Powell, 19, and son, Samuel Mobley, 16, with racial slurs, verbal intimidation and threats of physical assault over the last five years. The suit said both are students. 

The lawsuit alleged numerous incidents in which Calliari threatened the children with her car, tried to keep them from being able to use the town home association’s community pool and tennis court, and made obscene gestures at virtually every encounter with Mobley. 

According to the lawsuit, Howe has repeatedly reported incidents to the Mount Prospect Police Department, but the police said just one incident had been reported -- and it was by Calliari. 

According to a September 2012 police report, Calliari called police to complain of problems with Howe’s son and alleged he had threatened to harm her grandchildren. The report noted that Calliari’s grandchildren did not appear to be upset at the time police responded to the complaint. 

The Howe family denied making any threat, police said. Howe told police she wanted to file a report about the allegedly ongoing harassment by Calliari, telling police she had used racial slurs and that her vehicle had been vandalized.
Police said claims on both sides could not be substantiated in part because there were no independent witnesses. 

Police offered mediation to both neighbors, and each initially said they would participate, according to the police report. Mount Prospect Police Officer Greg Sill said records do not show that mediation ever took place. According to the lawsuit, Calliari never responded to the mediator’s attempts to reach her. 

William Kraus, one of Howe’s lawyers, declined to comment on the police report.
“This is the approach my client has chosen,” Kraus said of the lawsuit.
The lawsuit alleges that Calliari’s actions caused the Howe family emotional distress as well as pain and suffering and seeks unspecified monetary damages and a permanent injunction barring Calliari from contact with the family. 

----------------------------------------

Who are Ukraine's fascists?

By Matthew Lyons, taken from threewayfight: 

My previous post attempted to make sense of the struggle that recently overthrew Ukraine's President Viktor Yanukovych. As Tash Shifrin points out, not only did fascist groups play a leading role in this struggle, but their success "set a new benchmark for fascists across Europe." 

Both of Ukraine's two main fascist organizations are represented in the new government. Members of Svoboda (Freedom) party were named to the posts of deputy prime minister; ministers of defense, ecology, and agriculture; and head of the general prosecutor's office. The leader of the more hardline Pravy Sektor (Right Sector) was appointed deputy national security director. 

 Who are these Ukrainian fascists? What do they stand for? How did they become so influential? And where do they fit in the geopolitical struggle that is suddenly making Ukraine a major point of contention between the western and Russian wings of global capital? This post will try to address these questions. 

Svoboda was founded in 1991 as the Social-National Party of Ukraine (SNPU) and is a direct descendent of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the World War II-era Nazi collaborators who massacred tens of thousands of Jews and Poles in their quest to create a totalitarian, ethnically pure Ukraine. In 2004, in an effort to clean up its image, the SNPU changed its name to the All-Ukrainian Association Svoboda, dropped the Wolfsangel symbol (which had been used by the Waffen SS), and started advocating populist economic and social measures. Svoboda's program, writes Emanuel Dreyfus, "would renationalise a number of enterprises, introduce progressive taxation on business profits, and seek to reduce the dominance of the oligarchs over the political and economic systems."  

Historian Per Anders Rudling writes that Svoboda's makeover followed the example laid down by other European far right parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party and the National Democratic Party of Germany. "Svoboda's official policy documents are relatively cautious and differ from its daily activities and internal jargon, which are much more radical and racist.... Svoboda subscribes to the OUN tradition of national segregation and demands the reintroduction of the Soviet 'nationality' category into Ukrainian passports" (p. 237). According to political scientist Anton Shekhovtsov, "although Svoboda... does not have a worked out doctrine, it is possible to distinguish several different ideological strands most commonly articulated by the party leaders, including anticommunism, anti-liberalism, racism, anti-Russian sentiments, glorification of Ukrainian historical right-wing extremism and fascism, and heterosexism." 
Antisemitism is central to the party's ideology. Svoboda head Oleh Tiahnybok claimed in 2005 that Ukraine was ruled by a "Muscovite-Jewish mafia," and, according to Rudling, in 2011 party activists fought with police as part of a protest campaign against Hasidic Jewish pilgrims visiting the Ukraine. 

Svoboda got only 0.7% of the vote in 2007 parliamentary elections, but this support jumped to 10.45% in 2012, and the party entered the Rada (national parliament) for the first time with 37 seats. As the BBC reported, "in addition to expanding its traditional base in the country's Ukrainian-speaking west -- it won close to 40% in the Lviv region -- Svoboda made inroads into central regions, capturing second place in the capital Kiev." Svoboda's support is mainly working class in the western Ukraine, but the party also attracted intellectual and middle class people in Kiev, according to Denis of the leftist Autonomous Workers Union.

The other major fascist group is Right Sector, which was formed in November 2013 by activists from several small neo-nazi groups. Right Sector is primarily a street-fighting organization, with an estimated 2,000-3,000 members, that criticizes Svoboda as too moderate. Max Blumenthal writes, "Armed with riot shields and clubs, the group's cadres have manned the front lines of the Euromaidan battles this month, filling the air with their signature chant: 'Ukraine above all!' In a recent Right Sector propaganda video... the group promised to fight 'against degeneration and totalitarian liberalism, for traditional national morality and family values.'" 
Zvoboda and Right Sector supporters were a small portion of the Euromaidan protesters against Yanukovych, but they gained legitimacy from the nationalism that pervaded the movement. Right Sector militants and their allies physically attacked leftists who tried to have a visible presence in the Euromaidan or join the movement's Self Defense groups. By mid February 2014, the Self Defense forces (including some 1,500 under separate Right Sector command) were confronting police with guns as well as Molotov cocktails. Shifrin writes, "The center of gravity shifted from mass participant in Euromaidan to the organized strength of the fighting force. And the fascists have far greater weight among the fighters than in the protest as a whole." 

The resurgence of Ukrainian fascism is very recent, but its seeds were planted years ago. In broad terms, with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 many ethnic nationalisms and right-wing ideologies gained visibility and support. In Ukraine specifically, the return of rightist emigres dovetailed with propaganda initiatives of the new government centered on the 1930s and 1940s. Rudling notes (p. 231) that former President Viktor Yushchenko's government (2005-10) promoted a historical myth of the fascist OUN as freedom fighters and democrats struggling to liberate Ukraine from Soviet tyranny, and that ultra-nationalist and antisemitic propaganda have become commonplace in Ukrainian academia. In western Ukraine, especially Lviv, "ultra-nationalist ideologues have found both effective and lucrative ways to work with entrepreneurs to popularize and disseminate their narrative to the youth, [such as] the Jewish theme restaurant Pid Zolotoiu Rozoiu (Beneath the Golden Rose), where guests are offered black hats of the sort worn by Hasidim, along with payot. The menu lists no prices for the dishes; instead, one is required to haggle over highly inflated prices 'in the Jewish fashion'" (p. 233). 

 The modern celebration of the OUN and its military wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), includes public festivals, nightclub events, and the renaming of streets and buildings after OUN leader Stepan Bandera. Rudling sees a basic contradiction in this historical cult: on one hand, ultra-nationalists celebrate the Waffen-SS Galizien, a German military division composed of Ukrainians that carried out many atrocities; on the other, they hail the OUN as resistance fighters against Nazi Germany, who supposedly even rescued Jews (pp. 231, 235). 

Ukrainian far rightists today don't just replicate the OUN's classical fascism, but blend it with other currents of fascist ideology. Rudling writes that Svoboda has been influenced by European New Right thinkers such as Alain de Benoist, who have replaced open racial supremacism with the nicer-sounding "ethno-pluralism," and who have promoted the Conservative Revolutionaries of interwar Germany as a far right tradition mostly outside of the Nazi movement. In 2010, Svoboda intellectual Yurii Mykhal'chyshyn published an anthology of key texts that brought together Conservative Revolutionaries (Ernst Juenger, Oswald Spengler), "left" Nazis (Ernst Roehm, Otto and Gregor Strasser), mainstream Nazis (Joseph Goebbels, Alfred Rosenberg), and Italian and Spanish corporatist theoreticians (pp. 239, 243). 

Mykhal'chyshyn has also served as a link between Svoboda and Ukraine's autonomous nationalists, who combine neo-nazi content with styles and slogans borrowed from left-wing autonomists and anarchist black blocks, such as black hoodies, masks, and a straight-edge lifestyle, while glorifying street violence against their opponents. Autonomous nationalism started in Germany as a sub-current within the neo-nazi scene, and has been visible in Ukraine since 2009, according to the German-language Antifaschistisches Infoblatt. The Infoblatt describes this as an effort by young neo-nazis to look more modern and more European. Ukrainian autonomous nationalists are not numerous, but they have worked closely with Svoboda and other far right parties. 

Ukrainian fascists' international outlook is especially important, given that the movement which eventually toppled Yanukovych began by demanding a closer relationship with the European Union and not Russia. Svoboda has advocated Ukraine joining the EU, apparently to win favor with its electoral base. Alec Luhn of The Nation reports, "Yury Noyevy, a member of Svoboda's political council, admitted that the party is only pro-EU because it is anti-Russia. 'The participation of Ukrainian nationalism and Svoboda in the process of EU integration is a means to break our ties with Russia,' Noyevy said." Svoboda, along with the British National Party, Hungary's Jobbik, and several other far right parties, is part of the Alliance of European National Movements, which opposes EU centralization. 

Despite these sentiments, Right Sector, along with Svoboda, is now tied to a government that represents the pro-EU faction of the Ukrainian ruling class. Assuming that the new government isn't simply forced out by the Russian military, it's unlikely that the fascists could seriously pursue their national revolution against the oligarchs. The Right Sector hardliners might want to try, but I agree with Mark Ames that Svoboda will probably be coopted into embracing pro-Western policies, including EU austerity demands. "Neoliberalism is a big tent that is happy to absorb ultranationalists, democrats, or ousted president Yanukovych." 

But that's very different from saying that Svoboda or Right Sector are just tools of the EU, or the United States, who have carried out a successful putsch on behalf of their masters. This is not the Cold War, when Ukrainian fascists were dependent on the CIA and loyal allies of the Reagan administration against the Soviet empire. Today's far rightists have to deal with great power geopolitics, but that doesn't mean they're happy about it. Remember that Osama bin Laden was once a Reagan ally, too.